Monday, 8 October 2018



প্রসঙ্গ: শুভ-অশুভ বিতর্কে মহালয়া-র আগেই দুর্গাপূজার উদ্বোধন।।

বাংলা ও বাঙালীর স্ব-ঘোষিত "অভিভাবক"- এর অন-লাইন প্রকাশনা এবেলা.ইন (https://ebela.in/durga-puja/how-to-wish-in-mahalaya-dgtl-1.877932) এ বছর একটা বিতর্ক জুড়েছে - মহালয়া শুভ নাকি অশুভ। "অভিভাবক" তাঁর নিরীহ সন্তান বাঙালীকে শেখানোর চেষ্টা করেছে "how to wish in mahalaya"!!!! যদিও, 19 সেপ্টেম্বর, 2017, 1:31 AM-এ (ইংরেজী সংখ্যাগুলো অপরিবর্তিত রাখলাম) এবেলা-র ফেসবুক পেজ জানাচ্ছে: "এবেলা.ইন এর তরফ থেকে সবাইকে শুভ মহালয়া!" বাণিজ্যের লক্ষ্মীলাভে একমাত্র "বাজার"-ই যাঁদের "আনন্দ"-এর কারণ, তাঁদের কাছে বাজারে যেটার কাটতি হবে সেটাই তাঁরা করবেন।

যাইহোক, এবার মহালয়া প্রসঙ্গ। "মহালয়া" শব্দের আক্ষরিক সমার্থ "আনন্দ নিকেতন"। এই মহালয়া অবশ্য একটা ধর্মীয় অনুষ্ঠান। যেহেতু, ধর্ম-চর্চার প্রয়োজন আমার খুব একটা নেই, তাই এ ব্যাপারে আমার আগ্রহও সামান্যই। কিন্তু, বাজার-সরকারের ছুঁড়ে দেওয়া বিতর্কে যোগ দিতে হলো; ওই "শাস্ত্র-মতে" আর কি!

কথিত আছে, ভাদ্র মাসের কৃষ্ণা প্রতিপদ থেকে আশ্বিনের কৃষ্ণা পঞ্চদশী (অমাবস্যা) - এই সময়ে প্রেতলোক থেকে পিতৃপুরুষের আত্মারা নিজেদের ছেড়ে যাওয়া প্রিয়জনের মায়ায় ঘরে (আলয়) ফিরে আসেন। মনে রাখতে হবে, শাস্ত্রের নিয়ম তারিখ মেনে চলে না; চলে তিথি মেনে। এককালে, আশ্বিনের কৃষ্ণপক্ষ বা পিতৃপক্ষের প্রত্যেকটা দিনেই পিতৃপুরুষকে শ্রদ্ধাসহকারে অন্নজল নিবেদন করার রীতি চালু ছিলো। যাইহোক, এই মহালয়ার তিথিতেই নাকি সকল পিতৃপুরুষের আত্মার আগমন সম্পুর্ন হয়। তাই, এই ক্ষণে তর্পণ-এর মাধ্যমে তাঁদের পরিতৃপ্ত করা হয়। এর ফলে, প্রতিটা আলয় আনন্দময় (মহময়) হয়ে ওঠে। আর, আনন্দ-ই যেহেতু শুভ; কাজেই মহালয়া-কে "শুভ" বললে দোষের কী?

শাস্ত্র মেনে মহালয়াতে যাঁরা গঙ্গায় অঞ্জলি দেন, তাঁরা কিন্তু পৃথিবীর সমস্ত কিছুর জন্যই প্রার্থনা করেন; তাঁদের তর্পণ সকলকে উদ্দেশ করে। শাস্ত্র বলছেন - "যেযাং ন মাতা ন পিতা ন বন্ধু" - অর্থাৎ, যাঁর মাতা-পিতা-বন্ধু কেউ নেই; আজ তাঁকেও স্মরণ করছি। শাস্ত্র আরও বলেছেন: "যে-অবান্ধবা বান্ধবা বা যেন্যজন্মনি বান্ধবা" - অর্থাৎ, যাঁরা জন্ম-জন্মান্তরে যাঁরা আমার আত্মীয়-বন্ধু ছিলেন অথবা, কখনো আমার বন্ধু ছিলেন না; তাঁরা সকলেই আমার অঞ্জলি গ্রহণ করুন। এইভাবেই, মহালয়া সমস্ত ধর্ম-বর্ণ-আত্মীয়-অনাত্মীয়ের গন্ডী পার করে সর্বজনীন হয়ে ওঠে। এই সার্বজনীনতাকে শুভ বললে দোষের কী?

শাস্ত্র মতে, বিয়ে-যজ্ঞ-গৃহপ্রবেশ-অন্নপ্রাশন বা যে কোনো শুভ কাজের ক্ষেত্রেই প্রয়াত পূর্বপুরুষ সহ সমস্ত জীব-জগতের উদ্দেশে তর্পণ করতে হয়; অঞ্জলি দিতে হয়। অর্থাৎ, শুভ কাজের সাথে তর্পণ অঙ্গাঙ্গীভাবে জড়িত। রামায়ণে পড়া যায়, লঙ্কা বিজয়ের আগে রামও নাকি এমনটাই করেছিলেন। সে যাই হোক, আসলে মহালয়ার মতো উৎসব অত্যন্ত প্রাচীন এক ধর্মীয়-সামাজিক সংস্কৃতি; এক বিশ্বাস যা স্মরণাতীত কাল থেকেই প্রচলিত।

অবশ্য, এই বিশ্বাসকে আজ ভাঙতেই হবে। যদি পিতৃপক্ষের অবসানে দেবীপক্ষের সূচনা হয়, আর সেটাই যদি বাঙালীর দুর্গোৎসবের নির্ঘন্ট নির্ধারণ করে; তবে পূজার বাণিজ্যিকীকরণ আর পণ্যের বিজ্ঞাপনের জন্য সময়টা কিন্তু নেহাতই কম। মাত্র দশটা দিন!

তাই, মহালয়ার "মিথ" ভেঙে, তাকে শুভ-অশুভের বিতর্কে ধাঁধিয়ে দিয়ে; পুজোর সময়টা আরেকটু বাড়িয়ে নিলে বাজারেরই লাভ। আবার, পুজোর আনন্দে মেতে যদি মানুষ আরও ক'টা দিন তাঁর জীবনের প্রতিদিনকার সমস্যা ভুলে; মোহের আবেশে আবিষ্ট হয়ে থাকেন, তবে তো বাজারীরও লাভ। এই বাজার আর বাজারীর অনুপ্রেরণাতেই তাই মহালয়ার আগেই দুর্গাপূজার "উদ্বোধন"!!!!

@pradipsinterpretations




Saturday, 29 September 2018


Fixing the Right Dose

In a gap of just six days, between 13 and 19 September, 2008, three news items – one apparently contradicting another – caught the attention of the pharmaceutical industry’s well-informed circle.

The first news came on the media on 13 September informing the imposition of ban on 328 fixed-dose combination (FDC) drugs with immediate effect by the Union Health Ministry.
The second news published in media on 17 September was that the two-member bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices R F Nariman and Indu Malhotra had allowed the sale of four banned drugs which include Piramal Healthcare’s Saridon, GlaxoSmithKline’s ‘Piriton’, Juggat Pharma’s ‘Dart’ and one more. Within days, the apex court revoked the government’s order, at least temporarily, following the challenge petition filed by the pharmaceutical companies. The Supreme Court had also asked the Centre to file its reply on the petition.

Further, on 19 September, the media reported that the single judge bench of the Delhi High Court of Justice Vibhu Bakhru issued a notice directing the government not to take any coercive step against the pharmaceutical companies and their business associates namely stockists or dealers for the available stocks of the banned FDC drugs in the market. The writ petition, in this case, was filed by the giant pharmaceutical companies like Glenmark, Lupin, and Mankind on the ground that it was difficult for them to immediately recall banned drugs from across the country. The Delhi High Court, meanwhile, has directed the Centre to file an affidavit explaining the reasons. The next hearing would be on 9 October. Earlier, the High Court allowed pharma major Wockhardt to sell its banned FDC drug ‘Ace Proxyvon’, on the plea that the company was not provided with relevant information by the government’s agency.

The above developments raised serious questions about the government’s health and pharmaceutical policies since the government is engaged in firefighting in the court of law to safeguard its own order. Secondly, will the banning of few FDC drugs be sufficient for public health protection or should the government really concentrate to overhaul the drug regulatory procedures? This article is pledged to find the justified answers. Attempts shall be made to focus on certain basics so that the real answer does not get lost in the web of rapid gabbling talk and technical jugglery, as is usually the case, whenever questions are raised about healthcare and medicine.

What does FDC mean? 

The nomenclature, FDC drugs, itself is confusing and misleading. Fixed-dose combinations are actually the hotchpotch of two or more active drugs in a single formulation. So, hereafter, we shall refer to as FDCs only and, no more as the FDC drugs. The staggering statistics of the domestic pharmaceutical market of India suggests that FDCs account for 50 per cent of the sales while the overall market size is around Rs 1.18  lakh crore.

According to the “Directory of Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Units in India 2007” published by the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA) of the Government of India, the Indian pharmaceutical industry, with 10563 pharmaceutical manufacturers across the country, can be dichotomized into two broad camps: bulk drugs and formulations. Out of them, 77.4 per cent manufacture formulations and remaining 22.6 per cent are engaged in bulk drugs manufacturing.

Bulk drugs are actually the active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) which are used to manufacture the formulations. The formulations, however, are the end-products of the medicine manufacturing process which are available in the form of tablets, capsules, syrups, injectables etc.

Formulations should usually contain only one bulk drug. But, there are a large number of formulations available which contain more than one bulk drug. They are called FDC formulations and their numbers are ever increasing in India. Thus, the FDCs are not the drugs but actually the formulations.
 It’s pretty expensive to launch a new bulk drug and its formulation since it involves much scientific research and number of multi-phase in-vitro as well as in-vivo trials which also have enormous risks of failure. On the other hand, the FDCs are practically exempted from such stringent requirements. However, the Indian drug regulators see a “new drug” in any new FDC formulation made by combining two or more bulk drugs. In such case, the formulator company has to submit only the proof of efficacy, safety and bio-availability of the combined active ingredients of that FDC to the government regulatory bodies. Though, such practice is usually prevalent for the first few new formulators. A large number of pharmaceutical companies in India do not have any obligation to prove their medicines’ utility before making a new FDC available in the market.

Presumed advantages and disadvantages of FDCs

Over a period of time, the pharmaceutical and biomedical device industry has engaged itself in developing the methods of drug delivery mechanism that rely on sustained release from a matrix or binder or their structures that contain medication. Such sustained release dosage forms are needed particularly for paediatric and geriatric medicines where repeated dosages are disadvantageous. With this background, the pro-FDC lobby advocates that the simpler dosage schedule of FDCs improve patients’ compliance and, thereby, improve the treatment outcomes. They also argue that the FDCs reduce inadvertent medication errors; procurement, management and handling of drugs are simplified besides many other advantages like lesser side effects and minimizing potential drug abuse.

However, the counter-arguments suggest that FDCs might have potential quality problems when drugs are combined and sometimes the incompatible pharmacokinetics between the drugs could make them irrational. Dosing with FDC is inflexible and cannot easily be regulated as per the patient’s individual need such as body weight, age, co-morbidity etc. If a patient is allergic to one of the components of FDC, then the whole therapy has to be replaced by separate drugs. Sometimes, drug interactions may also lead to alteration of the therapeutic effect. Most importantly, FDCs are sometime more expensive than separate formulations.

The US experience of FDC

In the wake of the thalidomide birth defect tragedies of early 1960s, the Kefauver-Harris Drug Amendments of 1962 (Drug Amendments) was enacted which, mentioning for the first time about compounded drugs, mandated that the drugs to be safe as well as effective with respect to manufacturing claims, before they were put in the market.

At the beginning of the 1970s, combination drugs in the USA were accounted for over half the pharmaceutical products and for 40 per cent of the best-selling drugs. Since then, much controversy has been generated regarding their use; while some physicians fiercely defended their right to prescribe combined preparations, the regulatory authorities attempted to restrict their use. In the late 1960s, a drug efficiency study was conducted in the USA by the National Academy of Science and the National Research Council to review the efficacy of all drugs marketed between 1938 and 1962. They found that only 45 of some 1,200 fixed dose combination drugs were rated as effective. The American Council on Drugs, in early 1970s, stated that “combination or mixtures containing two or more active ingredients in fixed ratio are, in most instances, not recommended.”

Despite acknowledging the therapeutic advantage of the “combinations of drugs” and their additive or synergistic effects as beneficial, the 12th edition of The Pharmacological Basis of Therapeutics noted: “There are many examples of pharmacodynamic interactions that can produce significant adverse effects.” Such strong policy statement, mentioned in the ‘bible’ of pharmacology, perhaps, clarifies the physician’s dilemma whether to prescribe or not to prescribe FDCs. 

WHO recommendations

A World Health Organisation Expert Committee on the Selection of Essential Drugs met in Geneva from 17 to 21 October, 1977 and laid down the guidelines for establishing a list of essential drugs. There, the WHO recommended that fixed-ratio combinations are only acceptable if the following criteria are met: (i) clinical documentation justifies the concomitant use of more than one drug; (ii) the therapeutic effect is greater than the sum of the effect of each; (iii) the cost of the combination product is less than the sum of the individual products; (iv) compliance is improved; (v) sufficient drug ratios are provided to allow dosage adjustments satisfactory for the majority of the population. Thus, WHO listed 250 essential drugs and there were only 7 combination drugs in that.

Subsequently, the policy of WHO towards FDC undergone a major shift. In 2005, while fixing its guidelines for registration of fixed-dose combination, the WHO suggested that the development of FDCs was becoming increasingly important from a public health perspective; particularly in the management of human immune-deficiency virus/acquired immune-deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS), malaria and tuberculosis which were considered to be the foremost infectious disease threats.

But, in the same report, the WHO also noted: FDCs have advantages when there is an identifiable patient population for whom treatment with a particular combination of actives in a fixed ratio of doses has been shown to be safe and effective, and when all of the actives contribute to the overall therapeutic effect. Additionally, there should be real clinical benefits in the form of increased efficacy; a reduced incidence of adverse effects; lesser cost than that of separate products given concurrently and all such claims should be supported by evidence. Therefore, the model list of 312 essential drugs, prepared by the WHO in March 2005, includes only 18 FDCs.

The Indian perspective

Unfortunately, many FDCs being introduced in India are usually irrational. The most pressing concern with irrational FDCs is that they expose patients to unnecessary risk of adverse drug reactions. For example, a variety of NSAID combinations available for sales (often as over the counter products) might not be needed at all. The ‘combined’ pills are marketed with slogans like ‘ibuprofen for pain and paracetamol for fever’ and ‘ibuprofen for peripheral action and paracetamol for central action’. There is no synergism when two drugs, acting on the same enzyme, are combined. But, such gimmicks burden the patients with extra cost and extra adverse effects.

To assess the rationality of FDCs enlisted in the Central Drug Standard Control Organization’s (CDSCO) list, a study was conducted on 264 FDCs which were marketed in India during 2009 to 2014. Rationality analysis was done as per the WHO guidelines. Maximum combinations were from cardiovascular system followed by the combinations from pain/musculoskeletal, anti-infective, endocrine, central nervous system (CNS) and respiratory system. According to rationality scoring scale, 51.89% FDCs were found to be irrational; 28.40% semi-rational and only 19.69% were rational. Moreover, 56.81% FDCs were adding up adverse drug reactions while 46.59% FDCs had chances of increased adverse drug reactions due to their active pharmacological ingredients.

The ban and the lapses of the government

 Since it is unethical to expose the patients to medicines with unproven efficacy, safety, suitability, rationality and cost benefit; the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MHFW) of the government of India, through a gazette notification on March 15, 2016 declared ban of 344 FDCs from the market with immediate effect. But, the moot point remained whether these measures were sufficient? Over the years, the Indian Drug Control Authority have been issuing notifications to ban many FDCs like analgin + pitofenone; vitamins B1 + B6 + B12; cyproheptadine + lysine; etc. Incidentally, the manufacturers never stopped from coming out with newer irrational FDCs.

It is interesting to note that, on July 12, 2018, the CDSCO published a list of FDCs and permitted their continued manufacturing and marketing of which many FDCs were neither in the essential list of WHO nor mentioned in any standard text or reference books; reputed medical journals. For instance, fixed dose combination of Nimesulide + Paracetamol: Nimesulide alone is more antipyretic than paracetamol, more anti-inflammatory than aspirin, and equivalent in analgesia to any of the NSAIDS alone. Therefore, the addition of paracetamol is unlikely to gain efficacy. Though, there are possibilities of increased hepatotoxic effects from the combination. Another example is ciprofloxacin + tinidazole. Becaues of such FDCs of quinolones and nitroimidazoles, the patient is exposed to greater risk of gastrointestinal (GI) irritation and serious bleeding from unsuspected peptic ulceration. Thus, the technical expertise of CDSCO itself is questionable. And, if the government authorities are deficient in technicalities, then how can they ensure health safety and cost effective medications for the general population?

National List of Essential Medicines (NLEM)

The purpose of NLEM is to promote rational use of medicines considering the three important aspects - cost, efficacy and safety. It is the key instrument in balanced healthcare delivery systems which includes accessible, affordable and quality medicines at all the primary, secondary and tertiary levels of healthcare. The WHO introduced the concept first in 1977 which has successively been adopted by many countries.

But, in India, efforts were made much earlier to prepare an essential drug list with the main objective of price control. Accordingly, in 1967, the Committee on Essential Drugs Tariff Commission prepared a list of 17 essential drugs. In 1968, it studied the cost structure of those 17 essential bulk drugs and their formulations; with an aim to bring down their prices. Drug Policy 1978 prepared a list of 37 ‘highly essential and life saving’ bulk drugs.

Priorities for preparing an essential drug list have always been misplaced in India. Hathi Committee’s recommendations in 1975 were to prepare an essential list of 104 bulk drugs. Later, essential drug list was replaced by a ‘priority list’ of 95 drugs. It was a major shift in 1996 when the MHFW prepared and released the first National List of Essential Medicines of India consisting of 279 medicines. Thus, the ‘essential drugs’ was derogatorily reduced to ‘essential medicines’.  Subsequently, the list was revised in 2003 and had 354 medicines. Later in 2011, the list was revised and had 348 medicines. NLEM 2015 was prepared with 376 medicines after adding a total of 106 medicines and deleting 70 medicines from 2011 list. Till June 2018, NLEM had 851 medicines including 4 medical devices e.g. cardiac stents, drug eluting stents, condoms and intra uterine devices.

Misconceived notion: Distorted objective

Pharmaceuticals do have congruity with the overall healthcare system. And, the healthcare system is necessarily guided by the health policy and the drug policy. A comprehensive health policy and a people oriented drug policy depend upon the ideas and ideologies of the ruling dispensation. In absence of pro-people socio-economic policy, there can never be a discipline in pharmaceuticals.

In the sphere of drug production, marketing and distribution; there is an utter chaos in India. As per available information, Indian pharmaceutical market does have 3062 generic and 110,355 branded generic medicines that have listed their prices. While medicines are essential tool for healthcare management, but due to policy deficiencies of the government they have become just profiteering machines for the drug cartel. This has led to the problem of inadequate supply of essential drugs and, simultaneously, there has always been a proliferation of non-essential, hazardous and irrational pharmaceutical products.

Worldwide and in India; numerous studies, reports and articles have been published on this issue, even then the same could not be contained due to lacunae in subsequent drug policies. Therefore, the government’s own agencies find it difficult for themselves and become defenseless when challenged in the court of law. Without bringing stringent and pro-people legislative changes, preparing a list of banned drugs is too meager an act in the part of the government of India.

History of ineffective firefighting

Facing wrath inside and outside the Parliament, the government of India, for the first time in 1982, decided to ban the production and sales of certain drugs. The Drug Technical Advisory Board (DTAB) recommended the ban of 18 FDCs and, accordingly, the Drug Controller (India) issued notification banning their manufacture from September 30, 1982 and sales from April 1, 1983. The Bombay High Court stayed the order of the Drug Controller (India) on application of Retail and Dispensing Chemist Association of Bombay. The court ordered that a gazette notification should be published with a list of formulations under Section 26 (A) of the Drugs and Cosmetic Act. But, the Drug Controller could not give effect to this notification since Boehringer Knoll, a pharmaceutical major, challenged the government’s order in the Bombay High Court and got an interim stay.

Similarly, the Drug Controller’s notice of banning the production of Oestrogen-Progesterone combination drugs on June 13, 1982, was challenged in the Bombay and Calcutta High Courts by the pharmaceutical companies namely Ciba-Geigy and Unichem and stay orders were obtained. The MHFW, on July 23, 1983, issued notification for banning 25 FDCs. Due to High Courts’ orders and certain legal lacunae, the government could not implement its own decision and, as a result, the banned drugs were continuously manufactured and sold in the country.

After 33 years, the government of India could experience the same fate, as it had banned 344 FDCs in March 2016, with subsequent five additions to the list; following a report submitted by the Kokate Committee. Immediately, the drug makers including Pfizer, Procter & Gamble, Abbott, Glenmark, Sanofi, Wockhardt, Cipla, Lupin and Dr Reddy's had moved various courts against the decision. The Delhi High Court alone had received over 450 petitions seeking a stay on the ban. In December 2016, the Delhi High Court quashed the Centre's decision. This time the court noted that the government had acted on the advice of a 'technical committee', instead of consulting the DTAB which was a violation of the provisions of the Drugs and Cosmetics Act.
In December, 2017, the health ministry challenged this ruling in the Supreme Court and the apex court directed DTAB to decide the fate of the FDCs. The Court, however, freed 15 of 344 FDCs and ordered the government not to use the DTAB report to prohibit them since they have been manufactured in India since before 1988.  This exception covers several popular cough syrups, painkillers and cold medication with annual turnover of more than Rs 740 crore.
In September, 2018, though the DTAB recommended the banning of 328 FDCs, the government is still struggling in the court of law which suggests that there hasn’t been much change in the country’s pharmaceutical scenario for over three decades. Ironically, the government is yet to suggest any legislation by which it can take effective steps to implement its own decisions leaving aside its duty to protect the ailing people from the hazardous effects of irrational FDCs.

Tasks ahead

India, with such well off pharmaceutical industry and a large number of trained medical personnel, should be in a position to provide its people with adequate and advanced healthcare facilities including the modern medicines which should be simultaneously rational and affordable. For this, the government should develop people’s oriented national policies, long term strategies and effective action plan. Considering these, we may suggest few tasks:
                    i.            The government at the centre should immediately form a high power Committee with representation from the Ministries of Finance; Health and Family Welfare; AYUSH; Chemicals and Fertilizers; Petroleum and Natural Gas; Commerce and Industry; Corporate Affairs; Human Resource Development; Law and Justice; Statistics and Programme Implementation; Women and Child Development and Human Resource Development.
                  ii.            That Committee should interact with all stake holders including doctors; scientists; academic experts; health activists; lawyers; industry representatives; dispensing chemists; trade union functionaries and common people to the extent possible, seeking suggestions from all.
                iii.            Based on those suggestions, the government should formulate a comprehensive health policy aiming to provide with primary, secondary and tertiary healthcare services to all.
                 iv.            In congruence with such universal health policy, a list of essential drugs should be prepared; considering the demographic divergence of India and following the WHO list of essential drugs. No drug outside that list should be allowed to manufacture, marketing or sale in India.
                   v.            Such national list of essential drugs should determine the national pharmaceutical policy. The robust pharmaceutical industry of India should follow the ethical way of marketing and selling medicines which should be made mandatory. No deviation should be allowed in any manner whatsoever. The pharmaceutical industry must be guided by the government’s comprehensive healthcare plan and the healthcare need of the people.
                 vi.            Stringent methodologies should be developed for any kind of drug trial. The Patent Act should also be tightened enough to protect the self-reliance of the drug industry.
               vii.            Legal provisions are to be made in such a manner so that the violators should face exemplary punishment through trial in the court of law.

Conclusion:

To accomplish the above tasks, it is necessary that the government exercises its political will. The government at the centre should aim high to rescue its people from the menace of hazardous medicines. However, any pro-people policy is always developed through people’s movement. Hence, an active participation of people across all walks of life is the need of the hour to turn the government’s policies in their favour. In this case, by all means, we have to fix the combination drugs in their right dose.


Notes:  1. Directory of Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Units in India 2007;                                                 National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority; Government of India                                                    http://www.nppaindia.nic.in/Directory-NPPA.pdf
            2. Complete list of 344 drugs banned by the Ministry of Health Family                                                   welfare; National Health Portal
            https://www.nhp.gov.in/Complete-list-of-344-drugs-banned-by-the-                                                        Ministry-of-Health-Family-welfare_pg
           
            3. FDCs permitted for continued manufacturing and marketing; CDSCO
            http://www.cdsco.nic.in/writereaddata/Uploaded%20julyon%20webstie%20Fina                                  l%20Rational%20list%20under%20category%20C%20till%20date.pdf
                       
References:
-          Business Today (2018): Government bans Saridon and 327 other drugs over safety grounds

-          Live Mint (2018): Supreme Court allows sale of Saridon, 3 other drugs

-          NewsBytes (2018): SC: Sale of Saridon, two other drugs allowed for now

-          Business Standard (2018): No coercive steps against drug firms for FDCs in market: Delhi HC

-          Business Today (2018): What are FDC drugs and why has the govt decided to ban them?

-          The Economic Times (2018): Formulations and bulk drugs: get the basics right

-          Warren Kaplan (2004): Fixed Dose Combinations as an Innovative Delivery Mechanism: Background Paper
archives.who.int/prioritymeds/report/background/delivery.doc

-          Andrew Nolan (2013): Federal Authority to Regulate the Compounding of Human Drugs

-          Cohen; Goldschmid and Garty (2001): Fixed-Dose Combination Therapy in the United States, Britain and Israel; IMAJ . Vol 3 . August 2001

-          Goodman & Gilman (2011): The Pharmacological Basis of Therapeutics; 12th edition; Page:50

-          WHO (1977): World Health Organization Technical Report Series 615; Geneva; 1977; Page:12-13

-          WHO (2005): WHO Technical Report Series, No. 929, 2005; Page:95-96

-          Gautam and Lekha (2008): Br J Clin Pharmacol. 2008 May; 65(5): 795–796

-          Dalal, Ganguly and Gor (2016):  J Clin Diagn Res. 2016 Apr; 10(4): FC05–FC08

-          Tripathy Ishita (2011): National List of Essential Medicines of India 2011; Arthapedia

-          Majumdar JS (1986): Drug Industry and The Indian People; Background Paper; Page:1 to 41;  Delhi Science Forum and Federation of Medical and Sales Representatives Associations of India; IMH Press (P) Ltd.

-          GOI (1975): Report of the Committee on Drugs and Pharmaceuticals (Hathi Committee Report), Ministry of Petroleum and Chemicals, Government of India

-          GOI (2018): National List of Essential Medicines; Vikaspedia

-          Palaniappan M (2016): A-Z Drug Brands in India; The Medindia Medical Review Team
https://www.medindia.net/drug-price/brand-index.asp 

-          Business Today (2018): What are FDC drugs and why has the govt decided to ban them?


 @pradipsinterpretations








Sunday, 12 August 2018


Myths of Modicare



Perhaps for the first time in India healthcare has taken the centre stage of debate and discussion. The country where people still trust quacks and ascetic healers, the Union finance minister through his budget speech has proposed an ambitious health protection scheme. Packaged as Modicare the proposals might divert public attention from the government’s primary responsibility to provide equitable and affordable healthcare to all its citizens.



Health is perhaps the main takeaway for 1.3 billion Indians from the General Budget of 2018-19 which is the last full budget of the present government at the centre. Arun Jaitley, the Union minister for finance and corporate affairs, while presenting the Budget in the Parliament on 1 February, 2018 announced two major initiatives in health sector, as part of Ayushman Bharat Programme – (i) Health and Wellness Centre which “will bring health care system closer to homes of people” and (ii) National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS) which “will cover 10 crore poor and vulnerable families (approximately 50 crore beneficiaries) providing coverage upto 5 lakh rupees per family per year for secondary and tertiary care hospitalization”. [PIB 2018]

While declaring NHPS, touted Modicare by some, as the “world’s largest government funded health care programme”, the finance minister further said that these two health sector initiatives “will build a New India 2022 and ensure enhanced productivity, well being and avert wage loss and impoverishment” and “will also generate lakhs of jobs, particularly for women”. [PIB 2018]

Considering India’s overall socio-economic scenario, particularly that of the health sector, such holistic approach of the government deserves a loud applause. However, applause should also be assessed appositely. Unlike yesteryears, when the Budget speeches had a very little mention on health and, perhaps, never kindled much discussion; health has suddenly been identified this year as very important issue by almost every commentary. It is indeed necessary to view finance minister’s Budget speech on health from multiple angles. This article is destined to do so.

Discordant Vertex:

A press conference chaired by the health minister J P Nadda, called after a day, saw no answers to many questions, pertinent to the above announcements. [Bhuyan 2018] Nadda told reporters, “We will give the details but not today. We are working on the nitty-gritties. We have to work that out with all other departments as well.” [India TV News 2018] Health minister’s explanation raised doubts about the government’s preparedness before making announcements. He, however, announced that Rs 2,000 crore had been allocated for the NHPS and the cost bearing ratio for the centre and the state would be 60:40 while implementing. [Gandhi and Kaul 2018]

Another press conference on the same day, which was being held by NITI Aayog on the same issue, had somehow laid some details of the new insurance scheme. Alok Kumar, adviser on health, NITI Aayog, told that NHPS would expectedly reach to 50 per cent beneficiaries in the first year based on the states’ acceptance and NITI Aayog would need a budget of Rs 6,000 crore in 2018-19 for that. Again, to cover 10 crore families it would require around Rs 12,000 crore every year. Further, a premium between Rs 1,000 and Rs 1,200 for each family (having no cap on the family size) will provide a floating cover of Rs 5 lakh to the beneficiaries of the scheme, those were identified on the basis of the socio-economic census 2011. The scheme is likely to be rolled out either on Independence Day or on Gandhi Jayanti, this year. [Gandhi and Kaul 2018]

Further, the finance secretary Hasmukh Adhia told that the government expects the mega healthcare scheme announced in the Budget to cost only about Rs 10,000 crore annually and is expected to be rolled out in six to eight months. A senior government official, on assurance of anonymity, told that it would have to be seen whether the government would be in a position to implement the scheme across the country before the 2019 elections.  [Mishra 2018]

Amidst such varying communications at the highest level, some enthusiastic storey-teller brought out “the story behind Modicare” which mentions that the plan was initiated by the Prime Minister in January, 2016 and it is not a “knee-jerk poll sop”. [Yadav 2018] Though, several experts in well informed circle have criticized the scheme as considerable disappointment.

India’s Miserable Health Story:

Before examining the finance minister’s budget proposals on health sector, let’s have a quick look at the country’s health scenario. In India, there have been several major nutritional enhancement programmes in place since long which include the Integrated Child Development Services since 1975 and the Mid Day Meal Scheme for schoolchildren since 1995. Ironically, the child and maternal malnutrition continues to be the single largest risk factor for health loss in India indicating the need for drastic and rapid action on this front. The country’s per capita disease burden due to child and maternal malnutrition is 12 times higher than China. [ICMR, PHFI, and IHME 2017] The disease burden from unsafe water and sanitation is unacceptably high which is a striking 40 times higher than China and 12 times higher than Sri Lanka. Theunder-5-year age group in India presently suffers 18% of the total disease burden across all ages. Deaths and ill-health in neonates in the first month of life is also alarmingly high. Both neonatal and under-5 death rates in India are about five times higher than that of Sri Lanka. [ICMR, PHFI, and IHME 2017]

India ranks 143 out of 184 countries for health-related Sustainable Development Goals. At 17% of the world’s population, India contributes disproportionally to the global burden of disease. A quarter of the world’s tuberculosis patients live in India. The country leads with population having unhealthy lifestyles, premature cardiovascular disease, and an epidemic of diabetes. [Lancet, 2017] India’s poor healthcare network further adds up to the miseries. Government expenditure on health in India is one of the lowest in the world at 1·4% of gross domestic product, an amount wholly inadequate to run health facilities. [Lancet, 2017] Poor public funding causes common Indians high burden of out-of-pocket-expenditure (OoPE) on health. Two-thirds of healthcare spending in India is out of pocket, or done by the common man, according to a study by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, University of Washington. [Mascarenhas 2017] This pushes 7% of the country’s population into poverty every year. [Shah 2018]

According to a study by the premier AIIMS which was published in the National Medical Journal of India, illness not only affects a patient’s health but also financially paralyses an entire family, be it poor or middle class. The study found that, 63.5% of rural and 44.9% of urban families had to decrease their food expenditure after treating someone in the family. High OoPE can also make the economic recovery challenging for a family which has been described as ‘medical poverty trap’. [PTI 2017]  

India’s ugly health story needs urgent correction. The desire to see India as the fastest growing economy cannot be achieved without its people being in sound mental and physical state. This sets the health care as one of the most priority agenda for the government. The above background provokes us to cross-examine the finance minister’s health related Budget proposals.

Health and Wellness Centre:

The Budget has allocated Rs 1,200 crore to convert 1.5 lakh sub-centres into health and wellness centres (Rs 80,000 per sub-centre) which, according to the finance minister, will provide comprehensive health care including free essential drugs and diagnostic services. The sub-centres are deficient with infrastructure, equipments, medicines and man power. The budgetary allocation is inadequate to support the government’s ambitious plan.

Rural healthcare system in India runs through sub-centres (SCs), Primary Health Centres (PHCs) and Community Health Centres (CHCs). [Chart-1] As per the rural health statistics published by the ministry of health and family welfare, government of India, as on 31 March, 2017, there are 1,56,231 SCs; 25,650 PHCs and 5,624 CHCs functioning in India.

Chart-1: Rural Health Care System in India

         Community Health Centre (CHC)
             A 30 bedded Hospital/Referral Unit for 4 PHCs with Specialized services 
         Primary Health Centre (PHC)
A Referral Unit for 6 Sub Centres 4-6 bedded manned with a Medical Officer Incharge and 14 subordinate paramedical staff
         Sub Centre (SC)
Most peripheral contact point between Primary Health Care System & Community manned with one HW(F)/ANM & one HW(M)
Source: Ministry of health and family welfare, Government of India

As on 31 March, 2017, only 17,204 (11%) SCs and 3,303 (13%) PHCs were functioning as per Indian Public Health Standard (IPHS) norms. 20.5% SCs run without regular water supply, 23.9% are without electric supply and about 10% do not have all-weather motorable approach roads. Out of 25650 PHCs, only 39.2% function on 24×7 basis. 27% SCs run without separate male and female toilet. [Health statistics, 2017]

The availability of manpower is one of the important pre-requisite for the efficient functioning of the Rural Health services. The overall shortfall in the posts of HW(F)/ANM was 5.6% and 63.7% in case of HW (M). Even out of the sanctioned posts, a significant percentage of posts were vacant at all the levels. For instance, 13.2% of the sanctioned posts of HW (Female)/ANM and 37.5% of the sanctioned posts of Male Health Worker were vacant at SCs. Out of all SCs 6,405 were functioning without a Female Health Worker/ANM; 78,584 without a Male Health Worker and 4,218 without either. [Health statistics]

First of all, these 1.5 lakh SCs need their infrastructural deficiencies rectified and required human resources recruited. Then only they can become health and wellness centre. Hence, it is difficult to understand as to how such gigantic task will be completed with a paltry funding.


National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS):
The Union finance minister’s tall claim in the Parliament to take healthcare protection to a new “aspirational level” through NHPS is certainly misleading.

Firstly, such government funded health insurance is not new in India. A similar scheme, the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) was launched in 2008 which provides with an annual coverage of Rs 30,000 to the families living below poverty line. The RSBY has an enrolment of 3.6 crore families and its premium is subsidized and shared by the central (75%) and the state (25%) governments. Thus, the RSBY is basically a public funded, targeted health insurance scheme providing cashless inpatient service in private or public hospitals. The RSBY has been hailed by the United Nations and International Labour Organisation, beside other international bodies. [Khan, 2018]

Secondly, the same finance minister introduced  a national health protection scheme (NHPS) last year which was actually a revamped RSBY with expanded health coverage of up to Rs I lakh per family per year. Rs 1,500 crore was allocated for NHPS in 2016-17 for health insurance of one-third of the population. [Sinha 2018] Ironically, the scheme never took off  and the government spent only Rs 500 crore. A health ministry official, however, said the reason for dumping the previous insurance scheme might be it was “not inspirational enough”. [Bhuyan, 2018]

Thirdly, NHPS would disrupt and derail the states’ own insurance schemes. Twenty-four states already have health protection schemes in some form or the other which are likely to be subsumed in the NHPS. [Gandhi and Kaul 2018] Several states have much wider and more inclusive health insurance schemes than that of the NHPS. Some of the states’ schemes provide with coverage ranging between Rs 2 lakh to Rs 5 lakh per family. [Indian Express 2018] The variance in eligibility criteria between the NHPS and state’s scheme may raise issues once the former subsumes the later. For example, Kerala identifies people on the BPL list but the Centre will be relying upon the Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC). What will happen to the existing beneficiaries if they are not covered under the Centre’s criteria? [Jayashree 2018]

Fourthly, implementation of Aadhar-based authentication to access the NHPS is more disappointing. Dr. Vinod Kumar Paul, member (health and nutrition), NITI Aayog told that Modicare would be a cashless, Aadhaar-enabled scheme. [Sharma 2018] There will be provisions for Aadhar-based smart cards containing health details of senior citizens. Any failure of such Aadhar-based authentication, especially for the elderly, would cause difficulties in accessing healthcare. This is detrimental and exclusionary in nature. Much has been written about it. Very recently, a 25-year old woman delivered her baby outside the emergency ward of a civil hospital at Gurugram since the staff allegedly denied her admission into the labour ward for not carrying Aadhar card. [PTI-NDTV 2018]

Finally, the lack of seriousness for a “Swastha Bharat” is evident through a low level of public spending on health. This year the Centre’s budget for health has marginally increased by 12% from Rs 50,281 crore in 2017-18 to Rs 56,226 crore in 2018-19. If we compare the 2018-19 allocation with the revised estimate for 2017-18 which was Rs 54,852 crore, then the increase is a mere 2.4%. In real terms, this is a decline if we include the inflation over 5%. [Duggal 2018]  For National Health Mission (NHM), there is a decline in allocation from Rs 30,801 crore in 2017-18 to Rs 30,129.61 crore in 2018-19. Budgetary allocation for the Reproductive Child Health has declined by 30% (from Rs 7,545 crore in 2017-18 to Rs 5,253 crore in 2018-19). For communicable disease flexipool the allocation has declined by 27% (from Rs 2,648 crore to Rs 1,928 crore during the period under review). [Duggal 2018]

Thus, the health budget for 2018-19 is a clear prescription whether it is Modi-care or Modi-damn-care.

A Boon for Private Capital:

A decade old experience of promoting insurance-based schemes, such as the RSBY and its state-clones, suggests that such practice has neither significantly reduced OoPE nor it has increased access to healthcare for the poor. [Sinha 2018] However, the proposal for increased insurance coverage under the NHPS upto Rs 5 lakh is a boon for the private insurers since the premium amount will also jump on higher side forcing a ‘legitimate leak’ of public money into the private hand. There is already a government push for running NHPS through private insurers. Perhaps, this needs further explanations.

During 2015-16, the health insurance segment has achieved a growth rate of 21.7% percent in gross premium, which is the highest for the past five years. However, there is a drop in the share of private general insurers, whose market share has come down from 22% in 2014-15 to 20% in 2015-16. It can be observed that over the past five years, the share of private sector general insurers has declined from 27 percent in 2011-12 to 20 percent in 2015-16. [Table-1]

Table-1: Trend in Health Insurance Premium over the Past Five Years
Sectors

2011-12
2012-13
2013-14
2014-15
2015-16
Public Sector General Insurer
 Rs in crore
8015
9580
10841
12882
15591
Market Share %
61
62
62
64
64







Private Sector General Insurer
Rs in crore
3445
4205
4482
4386
4911
Market Share %
27
27
26
22
20







Stand-alone Health Insurer
Rs in crore
1609
1688
2172
2828
3946
Market Share %
12
11
12
14
16







Industry Total

13,069
15,453
17,495
20,096
24,448
Annual Growth Rate (%)

18.5
18.2
13.2
14.9
21.7

Source: IRDAI Annual Report, 2015-16

Further, health insurance business can be classified into Government Sponsored Health Insurance, Group Health Insurance (Other than Government Sponsored) and Individual Health Insurance. Among these three classes of business, the share of government business was declining. [Table-2]

Table-2: Classification of Health Insurance Premium
Class of Business

2011-12
2012-13
2013-14
2014-15
2015-16
Government Sponsored Schemes
Rs in crore
2225
2348
2082
2474
2425
including RSBY
Market Share %
17
15
12
12
10







Group Business
Rs in crore
5948
7186
8058
8899
11621
(Other than Government Business)
Market Share %
46
47
46
44
48







Individual Business
Amount
4896
5919
7355
8772
10353

Market Share %
37
38
42
44
42
Grand Total

13,069
15,453
17,495
20,096
24,448
Source: Same as Table-1

In terms of number of persons covered under health insurance, three-fourth of the persons were covered under government sponsored health insurance schemes and the balance one-fourth were covered by group and individual policies. [Table-3]

Table-3: Number of persons covered under health insurance
Class of Business

2011-12
2012-13
2013-14
2014-15
2015-16
Government Sponsored Schemes
persons in lakh
1612
1494
1553
2143
2733
including RSBY
% share of no. of persons
76
72
72
74
76







Group Business
persons in lakh
300
343
337
483
570
(Other than Government Business)
% share of no. of persons
14
17
15
17
16







Individual Business
persons in lakh
206
236
272
254
287

% share of no. of persons
10
11
13
9
8
Grand Total

2,188
2,073
2,162
2,880
3,590
Source: Same as Table-1&2

Now, after having a practical acquaintance of four years with its style of functioning and a conjoint reading of the above three tables (table 1, 2 & 3) could derive the intent of the present government at the centre for enhancing insurance coverage vis-à-vis premium amount under NHPS. They cannot remain as a silent spectator when the private players are sliding down in a fast growing health insurance market. Perhaps, it was only to facilitate the ease of doing business for the private insurers, the fund allocation from the public account was increased (coverage for government’s health insurance scheme jumps from Rs 1 lakh to Rs 5 lakh per family). The government has estimated an upward revision of the premium for NHPS at Rs 1,000-1,200 per family per year. The governments at the Centre and the states are already investing Rs 3,090 crore in premiums for 33.5 crore population. The NHPS would add another 16.5 crore persons for their target of covering 50 crore population with additional premium amount. More and more people would ensure more and more money in private insurers’ hands.

Not only would the private insurers garner maximum profit, the scheme will also lead to a significant increase in profits for the private healthcare industry, which is also perhaps its intention. The Centre may ask states to incentivize private hospitals and healthcare chains for setting up infrastructure and creating trained manpower for the successful implementation of the NHPS. [Sharma 2018] One must take a note that out of 7,226 hospitals empanelled by the government for RSBY, 4,291 were private while 2,935 were public hospitals [Bhuyan 2018] which suggests that the lion’s share of the public health fund is already lying in the private hands. The new scheme would further facilitate the grabbing despite the fact that there are widespread reports of profiteering by private hospitals. These are referred to as “moral hazards” in the medical insurance industry and are well-known across the world. [Sundararaman 2018] Experiences from across the world show that it escalates overall healthcare expenditure besides unethical practices and inappropriate patient’s care. In India, these problems are likely to be more intense due weak governance and existence of limited regulatory procedure for controlling the private sector. However, this government at the Centre is hell bent to do anything for public health only through private sector. This raises questions about the intent and credibility of the present ruling regime.

Taxing the common people:

The Budget has announced an increase in the education cess from existing 3% to 4% as ‘health and education cess’. This should bring in an additional Rs.11,000 crore to the government exchequer. Of this additional amount, if 25% is spent for the health sector, there should have been an increase of Rs.2,750 crore in the health budget for this year. But, the increase has been only Rs.1,250 crore. This raises doubts whether the government at the centre is only interested to get additional revenues from the pockets of the common people in the name of healthcare expenditure for the poor while opening the scope for the private healthcare sector to garner more and more profit. The surge in the share prices of healthcare and insurance companies, following the budget announcements might tell the stories of actually who the real beneficiaries of the scheme should be.



Conclusion:

Six days after the Budget announcements were made, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 7 February tweeted (the initial content was removed): “Now is the time to give India a healthcare system that makes quality treatment affordable. We will ensure this through Ayushman Bharat”. [Modi 2018] Four days later, the tweet received only 9,158 ‘likes’ despite the fact that Modi has more than 4 crore twitter followers. Earlier, on 1 February, Modi’s tweet was showered with 25,200 ‘likes’ which mentioned, “Ayushman Bharat Yojana is a path breaking initiative to provide quality and affordable healthcare. It will benefit approximately 50 crore Indians. The scale of this scheme is unparalleled and it will bring a paradigm shift in our health sector.” [Modi 2018]

The receding numbers of ‘likes’ for Modi on healthcare could be enough indicative of the popular discontent against his finance minister’s untruthful announcements and, perhaps, the rhetoric have been exposed about creation of health and wellness centres without sufficient groundwork. It is also understandable that the new health protection scheme is actually a “paradigm shift” from public welfare to private profiteering.

Precisely, when the public healthcare system is put in the perils of private hand, all stakeholders must continue with the public debate to keep the demand for the right to health alive. Otherwise, people’s access to essential and equitable healthcare would remain only good at announcements. 

References:
1.      PIB (2018): “Ayushman Bharat for a new India -2022, announced”
Press Information Bureau; Government of India; Ministry of Finance; 1February,
2.      Bhuyan, Anoo (2018): “NITI Aayog Comes to the Rescue As Health Ministry Clueless on World’s Largest Healthcare Programme”, Wire, 3 February,
3.      India TV News (2018): “Finances will never be a problem for NHPS, says Health Minister J P Nadda”, 2 February,
4.      Gandhi, J and Kaul R (2018): “ Modicare to cost govt Rs 1,100-1,200 per family every year”, Hindustan Times, 2 February,
5.       Mishra, M (2018): “Modicare: Government to form council to roll out National Health Protection Scheme”, Economic Times, 5 February,
1.      Yadav, Y (2018): “Story behind Modi-care: Plan initiated by PM in Jan 2016, took two years in making; not knee-jerk poll sop”, First Post, 6 February,
2.      ICMR, PHFI, and IHME (2017): “India: Health of the Nation’s States”, 14 November, http://icmr.nic.in/publications/India_Health_of_the_Nation's_States_Report_2017.pdf
3.      Lancet (2017): “Health in India, 2017”, Vol. 389, 14 January, http://www.thelancet.com/pdfs/journals/lancet/PIIS0140-6736(17)30075-2.pdf
4.      Mascarenhas, A (2017): “Of India’s healthcare spend, 2/3 out of patients’ pockets: Study”, The Indian Express, 21 April,
5.      Shah, K (2018): “ Government announces Modicare, but can it afford it?”, 3 February,
6.      PTI (2017): “Healthcare expenses paralyse family finances: AIIMS study”, Financial Express, 31 August
7.      Health Statistics (2017): “Health Management Information System; A Digital Initiative Under National Health Mission”, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India, 2016-17,
8.      Khan, S A (2018): “Healthcare Is a Serious State Responsibility and Should be Kept Insulated From Populism”, Wire, 3 February
9.      Sinha, D (2018): “Why the Budget is Unhelpful and Unimaginative When It Comes to Healthcare”, Wire, 1 February,
10.  The Indian Express (2018): “Union Budget 2018: From Himachal to Kerala, health care in states over the years”, 2 February,
1.      Jayashree, J (2018): “What the Centre’s New Health Insurance Scheme Means for States That Have Their Own”, Wire, 7 February,
2.      Sharma, N C (2018): “Modicare will be a cashless, Aadhaar-enabled scheme: Vinod Kumar Paul”, Live Mint, 6 February,
3.      PTI, NDTV (2018): “Denied Entry Over Aadhaar, Woman Delivers Baby Outside Gurgaon Hospital”, 10 February,
4.      Duggal, R (2018): “Health Budget Could Have Been About People, But Now It’s About Markets”, Wire, 6 February,
5.      IRDAI, (2015-16): “Annual Report”
6.      Sharma, Y S (2018): “Modicare: Private hospitals may be roped in for NHPS”, Economic Times, 5 February
7.      Sundararaman, T (2018): “Opinion: Modicare is more an election gimmick than a real solution to India’s health needs”, Scroll, 5 February,
8.      Modi (2018): Twitter, 7 February,
9.      Modi (2018): Twitter, 1 February